Slovakia’s top court banned a notorious extremist from spreading hate—yet months later, he remains untouched by law enforcement, continues to target officials and minorities online, and enjoys open ties to Prime Minister Fico’s circle. With government ministers appearing on his platform, a court silencing critical media, and a judiciary accused of shielding him, the Bombic case exposes a dangerous merger of political power and extremism—eroding public trust, press freedom, and the rule of law.
Despite a clear order from the Supreme Court in early February prohibiting extremist Daniel Bombic from publishing hateful content, Slovak law enforcement and judicial institutions have failed to act decisively. The police and prosecution have yet to intervene more than two months after the ruling, raising serious concerns about the enforcement of court decisions and institutional impartiality. Although the police claim to be monitoring virtual spaces and taking “concrete measures,” no formal legal steps have been taken. According to the General Prosecutor’s Office, the investigator has not even submitted a case proposal to the supervising prosecutor, suggesting inertia or unwillingness to proceed.
The court order in question followed Bombic’s extradition from the United Kingdom, where he had lived for over two decades under the alias “Dany Kollár.” British authorities, who had monitored him with an electronic ankle bracelet, deemed him dangerous enough to warrant restrictions. Instead of a standard extradition, Bombic was flown to Slovakia aboard a government aircraft, bypassing normal police escort procedures. This unusual transfer arrangement intensified concerns of political favouritism, especially given what followed.
Upon arrival, Judge Peter Pulman—known for rulings favourable to allies of Prime Minister Robert Fico—ordered Bombic’s release without pre-trial detention, rejecting prosecutorial arguments that he posed a flight risk and could continue his extremist activity. The decision, viewed by legal observers as disproportionate and politically convenient, came despite the severity of the charges: extremism, incitement, and unauthorised use of personal data. It was against this backdrop that the Supreme Court later issued the conditional ban on publishing hate speech, warning that any breach could result in the reinstatement of pre-trial detention.
The written justification for the court’s February order provided specific criteria for identifying hateful content, such as dehumanising language, repeated targeting of individuals or groups, and incitement to violence. Yet Bombic’s continued behaviour, documented extensively in posts and videos, appears to violate several of those benchmarks.
Online Abuse and Political Radicalisation
Since the court’s ruling, Bombic has intensified his verbal assaults on public figures through two Telegram channels. His targets include politicians, journalists, prosecutors, and judges—many of whom have been critical of the current government. Former foreign minister Ivan Korčok was subjected to vulgar attacks, while education minister Tomáš Drucker was labelled a “gangster” and “servant of Israel.” Ex-special prosecutor Daniel Lipšic has repeatedly been accused of domestic violence, with no supporting evidence ever substantiated.
Bombic has also filmed and ridiculed Judge Milan Cisarik—who issued one of the international arrest warrants against him—claiming the judge panicked and nearly attempted suicide upon seeing him. At a protest in Nitra, Bombic verbally assaulted far-right MP Miroslav Suja, while simultaneously issuing antisemitic commentary about a deadly incident in Germany, mocking Holocaust remembrance and using slurs. Between 2021 and 2024, Bombic’s social media accounts—banned from major platforms—published hundreds of racist, antisemitic, homophobic, and threatening posts. NGOs report that individuals targeted by his doxing campaigns have sought protection from law enforcement due to credible threats.
Despite this record, Bombic’s online platform remains a hub for far-right propaganda. It has featured numerous high-ranking Slovak officials, including Prime Minister Fico, Defence Minister Robert Kaliňák, Interior Minister Matúš Šutaj Eštok, and multiple MPs, who appeared on his podcast even as he promoted hate speech. During the 2024 European election campaign, he hosted Smer candidates Erik Kaliňák and Judita Laššáková, further entrenching the overlap between extremist propaganda and political communication.
Judicial Protection and the Muzzling of the Press
Concerns over institutional complicity escalated in December 2024, when the Bratislava IV District Court issued an injunction prohibiting the liberal daily Denník N from referring to Bombic as a neo-Nazi, extremist, or antisemite—despite overwhelming public evidence to that effect. The court acted without informing the newspaper or allowing it to present a legal defence, prompting sharp criticism from legal scholars and press freedom advocates.
Former Constitutional Court President Ján Mazák called the ruling vague, procedurally flawed, and legally unsound. He underscored that characterising someone as an extremist based on publicly documented behaviour is protected by the constitution and cannot be equated with a false criminal accusation. Another Slovak court had previously found Bombic guilty of engaging in vulgar and defamatory attacks against journalist Zuzana Kovačič Hanzelová and referred to him as a “follower of extremist groups,” yet the District Court ignored such precedents.
The ruling drew comparisons to the politically orchestrated release of former special prosecutor Dušan Kováčik, convicted of corruption, whose sentence was suspended by Justice Minister Boris Susko, a member of Fico’s Smer party. Prominent lawyer Peter Kubina condemned the double standard, noting the judiciary’s silence in the Kováčik case while acting swiftly to shield Bombic from journalistic scrutiny. Meanwhile, Judicial Council Chair Marcela Kosová accused Denník N of mounting a “media attack” on the judge who issued the injunction, and Susko criticised the outlet for allegedly fostering public hostility—claims the newspaper strongly denies.
Institutional Silence and Probationary Failures
Amid widespread criticism of his continued activity, institutional oversight mechanisms appear paralysed. According to the Supreme Court, Bombic is subject to probation monitoring, including monthly check-ins with a probation officer. However, authorities have refused to confirm whether his online activity violates the court’s order, citing procedural confidentiality. The court itself claims no new proceedings are underway.
This opacity is compounded by the absence of enforcement, despite visible violations of the court-imposed restrictions. When questioned publicly by a journalist, Bombic mocked the inquiry, reposting the exchange on his platform and responding flippantly, “No, they don’t [violate the order]. I’m answering a friend.”
Legal Entanglements and Political Endorsement
Bombic’s defence is led by David Lindtner, a former judge and current advisor to Prime Minister Fico. Lindtner is also a co-owner of the law firm Kallan Legal, alongside Defence Minister Kaliňák. This same firm reportedly covers Bombic’s living costs in Bratislava, paying €750 per month for a flat in Petržalka. Lindtner’s name has been floated as a potential candidate for General Prosecutor, despite his own pending charges—a development critics see as emblematic of the judiciary’s erosion under political pressure.
In this context, Bombic’s trajectory—from fugitive extremist to politically shielded propagandist—illustrates more than a lapse in enforcement. It reveals a systemic failure, in which segments of Slovakia’s ruling elite appear willing to tolerate or even empower radical actors whose activities destabilise democratic institutions, compromise the rule of law, and threaten public safety.
Source: Peter Kováč | SME.sk
