Erik Kaliňák, chief adviser to Slovakia’s Prime Minister and a Member of the European Parliament for the ruling Smer party, was photographed exiting the service entrance of the Russian embassy in Bratislava—a restricted access point not used for public consular services or formal diplomatic visits—directly contradicting his claim that he went only to collect a visa as an ordinary applicant. That explanation does not withstand scrutiny: Slovak citizens are eligible for electronic visas and are not required to appear in person; and under standard diplomatic practice, such arrangements are typically managed through official channels by protocol staff, not by senior political figures. The embassy visit—occurring in the context of Kaliňák’s long-standing pro-Kremlin positioning, his role in a government-led, Kremlin-backed information campaign targeting anti-government protestors in January 2025, and his documented links to a Russian disinformation network aimed at manipulating the 2024 European Parliament elections, exposed with assistance from Czech intelligence and sanctioned by the EU—raises serious concerns about the growing alignment between Slovakia’s political leadership and Kremlin interests, at a time when Russia continues its war on Ukraine and Slovakia’s democratic institutions face sustained internal erosion.
Erik Kaliňák, the head of Prime Minister Robert Fico’s advisory team and a Member of the European Parliament for the ruling Smer party, was recently photographed leaving the service entrance of the Russian embassy in Bratislava. This entrance is not used by the public and is separate from the consular office where visa applications are handled. The photo, published by the watchdog initiative Mier Ukrajine, directly contradicts Kaliňák’s claim that he visited only “as a member of the public” to obtain a visa.
His explanation—that he was merely picking up a visa like any ordinary traveller—is not only logistically implausible, but procedurally incorrect. Slovak citizens are eligible for electronic visas to Russia and do not need to visit the consulate in person. Even for official diplomatic travel, visas for government delegations are arranged between foreign ministries and delivered by couriers. It is unheard of for a senior government official to collect them personally, especially from a back entrance.
Erik Kaliňák exiting the service entrance of the Russian embassy in Bratislava. Source: Mier Ukrajine.
Kaliňák’s narrative further weakens when placed in political context. He claims that he, along with fellow Smer MEP Ľuboš Blaha, received personal invitations to attend events in Russia, separate from the European Parliament. Yet both men are top figures in Fico’s government and well-known for their pro-Kremlin rhetoric. Blaha has repeatedly echoed Russian propaganda, met with Kremlin elites including Dmitry Medvedev and Sergey Naryshkin, and praised Russia’s geopolitical aims. Given their roles, it is not credible that they are travelling outside the Prime Minister’s official delegation—especially since Fico himself has openly declared his intent to participate in the Kremlin’s Victory Day celebrations.
This trip comes at a time when Russia continues its war of aggression in Ukraine, and Slovakia remains formally committed to EU and NATO policies supporting Ukraine. Kaliňák, however, dismissed concerns about the timing, saying he was simply honouring “soldiers who fought fascism”—a justification commonly used in Kremlin messaging to sanitise its wartime commemorations.
The embassy visit fits a broader pattern. During mass anti-government protests in Slovakia, Kaliňák travelled to Tbilisi, where he met with members of Georgia’s pro-Kremlin government. Shortly after his return, the Fico administration—together with Interior Minister Matúš Šutaj Eštok and Slovak intelligence chief Pavol Gašpar—launched a coordinated information operation to undermine the protests. Independent experts have described the move as a textbook influence campaign, repurposing Slovak state institutions to suppress dissent and mimic Russian disinformation strategies.
Further raising alarm, Kaliňák was named in a European disinformation network tied to the Kremlin and sanctioned by the EU for attempting to manipulate the 2024 European Parliament elections. According to Czech intelligence, this network was designed to amplify pro-Russian narratives and destabilise democratic processes across Central Europe. Kaliňák’s involvement places him at the centre of a larger Kremlin-aligned apparatus operating within Slovak politics.
He has even publicly suggested that if “the Russians reached Uzhhorod,” Slovakia would finally have “a reliable neighbour”—a statement that reveals not only ideological alignment with Russian imperialism but an outright rejection of Ukraine’s sovereignty and Slovakia’s own security interests.
In light of these facts, Kaliňák’s visit to the embassy cannot be dismissed as a routine consular errand. It is part of a disturbing trend: the erosion of diplomatic norms, the misuse of government structures for foreign-aligned operations, and the steady integration of Kremlin influence into the heart of Slovak power. His presence at the embassy’s service entrance—unmistakable and unexplained—serves as a visual symbol of how deep that alignment may already run.
Author: Victor Breiner | Slovak Media Monitor
