Matúš Šutaj Eštok, chairman of Slovakia’s Hlas-SD and current Interior Minister, has quietly positioned himself as the intended political successor to Robert Fico, crafting a career through controversies calculated to appeal to Fico’s traditional nationalist base. Hlas-SD, founded by current Slovak President Peter Pellegrini as a splinter from Fico’s Smer party after the 2018 political crisis, drew its primary cadre from ex-Smer members, originally positioning itself as a modern, pro-European social democratic force. However, under Šutaj Eštok’s leadership, the party’s trajectory has sharply diverged from those ideals, embracing nationalist rhetoric, undermining democratic institutions, and courting disinformation platforms. Once an obscure social media operative for Smer, Šutaj Eštok has since used his ministerial power to fuel societal polarisation, escalate attacks on civil society, and erode the rule of law, raising alarm across Slovakia’s democratic landscape. As Hlas-SD’s identity shifts under his stewardship, serious questions arise whether it can still credibly claim to represent the principles of a standard European social democracy.
During a recent episode of the SME daily’s political analysis podcast, Slovak political commentator Peter Tkačenko revealed that Matúš Šutaj Eštok, chairman of the party Hlas-SD, harbours a clear ambition to eventually replace Robert Fico in Slovakia’s political arena.
Tkačenko explained that according to multiple sources from Šutaj Eštok’s close environment, “he does not hide the idea or ambition that when Robert Fico politically collapses, he would take over the Smer electorate.” Tkačenko noted that he initially perceived this claim as a joke when first hearing it, but as he received the same information from several unrelated sources, he concluded that “this is not an invented rumour or an isolated statement.”
In the podcast discussion, it was also noted that Šutaj Eštok perceives himself as a significant political player. Tkačenko characterised him as someone who considers himself to possess the necessary toughness and determination to succeed Fico. According to the speaker, Šutaj Eštok projects a self-image of confidence and resilience, reinforced by his internal conviction that he could dominate the political space currently occupied by Fico.
While Šutaj Eštok’s ambition is firm, his political trajectory reveals how he has cultivated controversies and political positions that resonate with Fico’s traditional electorate. His early political career was marked by his role as a fake commenter for the Smer party, using fabricated online personas to promote party narratives and discredit opponents, as uncovered by Slovak investigative journalists. His activity under pseudonyms like “tosma3” was part of a broader coordinated effort by the Young Social Democrats, managed by now Government Office Chief Juraj Gedra, to influence public opinion through orchestrated online campaigns.
Šutaj Eštok’s tenure as Minister of the Interior has further illustrated his political methods. In 2024, he faced widespread criticism for his handling of a student Halloween costume incident at a Bratislava high school, where he accused students of engaging in propaganda reminiscent of totalitarian regimes. His intervention escalated public hostility against the school, forcing the principal to seek police protection. Commentators such as Roman Pataj (Denník N) condemned Šutaj Eštok’s rhetoric as dangerously inflammatory and politically motivated.
Simultaneously, Šutaj Eštok spearheaded a controversial €60 million project to install AI-powered surveillance systems with facial recognition in Slovak schools. Privacy advocates, including Progressive Slovakia’s Peter Bátor, warned that the centralised biometric data collection represented a significant threat to civil liberties, particularly given the government’s track record on transparency and accountability.
Further controversies have surrounded Šutaj Eštok’s Ministry’s financial support for the restoration of Soviet hammer-and-sickle symbols on a monument in Košice. Critics viewed the decision as an affront to Slovakia’s democratic legacy, particularly given its timing near the anniversary of the Velvet Revolution. Activists such as Peter Kalmus described the move as a betrayal of Slovakia’s post-communist democratic values.
His rhetoric has also aligned increasingly with nationalist narratives. In December 2024, Šutaj Eštok condemned Germany’s immigration policies, citing an alleged incident at Stuttgart’s Christmas markets to argue against multiculturalism and call for Slovakia to preserve its Christian traditions. His comparisons of student costumes to Nazi and Communist propaganda further intensified concerns about his trivialisation of historical atrocities.
Šutaj Eštok’s political style has also raised serious questions about democratic standards. His participation in a government-led information campaign — described by journalist Victor Breiner as an “information operation” against Slovak citizens — involved misusing security services to suppress protests against the government. His Ministry’s handling of cyberattacks, bomb threats, and allegations of a fabricated coup plot further cemented concerns about the politicisation of Slovak law enforcement under his leadership.
Parallel to this, Šutaj Eštok has appeared on disinformation media platforms such as Na Palete and Infovojna, normalising fringe pro-Kremlin narratives within Slovakia’s political discourse. His association with extremist figures like Daniel Bombic, who was welcomed back to Slovakia aboard a government plane despite three international arrest warrants, further underlines the radicalisation of his political strategy.
Šutaj Eštok has also been accused by prominent investigator Ján Čurilla of obstructing corruption investigations, selectively dismissing police leaders, and undermining the independence of law enforcement institutions. These actions mirror systemic issues in Slovakia’s judiciary and police force, raising concerns about the erosion of the rule of law.
His engagement with a Russian diplomatic delegation from MGIMO — a Moscow-based school closely tied to Russian intelligence — further alarmed observers, especially given Slovakia’s EU and NATO commitments. Interior Minister Šutaj Eštok’s welcoming of the delegation, alongside senior government figures, was widely criticised for signalling openness to Russian influence at a time of heightened regional tensions.
Finally, in February 2025, Šutaj Eštok accused independent NGOs and media outlets of acting as foreign agents, echoing disinformation tactics employed by figures such as Donald Trump and Viktor Orbán. His unfounded allegations against organisations like Transparency International and Via Iuris further illustrated an escalating campaign against independent oversight in Slovakia.
Although Hlas-SD positions itself as a social democratic party, Šutaj Eštok’s political rhetoric and actions sharply diverge from the core values of European social democracy. His nationalist narratives, disdain for pluralism, and attacks on civil society stand in stark contrast to the inclusive and democratic ideals promoted by partners such as Germany’s Social Democratic Party (SPD) and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. Observers have increasingly questioned whether under Šutaj Eštok’s leadership, Hlas-SD still embodies the mission of a standard European social democracy, or whether it has embraced a trajectory fundamentally at odds with it.
Source: Sme v Kaviarni | TV JOJ
