Five years after Slovakia’s largest judicial corruption scandal, not a single high-ranking judge has been meaningfully punished. The “Búrka” (“Storm”) and “Víchrica” (“Hurricane”) operations, which led to the arrests of 13 judges and exposed widespread judicial corruption, initially promised accountability. Instead, only one judge has received a minor conviction, while others have returned to their posts or continue receiving state salaries despite being suspended. The government of Robert Fico has systematically dismantled anti-corruption institutions, including the National Criminal Agency (NAKA) and the Special Prosecutor’s Office, crippling ongoing investigations.
The Judicial Council, rather than enforcing accountability, has blocked prosecutions and questioned whether self-confessed corrupt judges should even be considered guilty. Meanwhile, law enforcement officials now privately admit that many cases may never reach court. The judiciary has not been reformed—it has been fortified against consequences. Corrupt judges are shielded, reform efforts have collapsed, and those in power have ensured that justice will never be served.
The 2020 police raids arrested 13 judges, among others, following revelations from encrypted messages exchanged between businessman Marian Kočner, a convicted fraudster, and judicial officials. Despite this, five years later, only one defendant, former judge Miriam Repáková, has reached a plea deal, receiving a suspended sentence, while another, former judge Richard Molnár, was recently convicted but only on one minor charge.
The scandal initially spurred hopes for systemic change, yet five years later, prosecutors and law enforcement officials now privately admit that some cases may never reach court, let alone lead to convictions. The delay is not merely a matter of legal complexity but the result of active political and institutional obstruction, as key actors within Slovakia’s judiciary and government undermine efforts to hold corrupt judges accountable.
Political Interference and Systemic Weaknesses
The failure to secure convictions highlights weaknesses within Slovakia’s judicial system, including the undue influence of political actors. The current government of Robert Fico has been accused of directly sabotaging corruption cases through legislative changes and the dismantling of key law enforcement bodies, including the National Criminal Agency (NAKA) and the Special Prosecutor’s Office. These institutions previously led high-profile corruption investigations, but their dissolution has severely weakened efforts to prosecute judicial misconduct.
The Judicial Council, responsible for overseeing the judiciary, has actively blocked efforts to prosecute judges, refusing to approve misconduct cases or intervening to shield its members from legal consequences. This has allowed many implicated judges to continue receiving state salaries despite being suspended—a situation critics describe as a mockery of justice.
Meanwhile, momentum for judicial reform has collapsed. In the wake of the scandal, there was initial pressure to clean up the courts, but as time has passed, the voices calling for accountability have been drowned out by those seeking to protect the system from change. Current Judicial Council leadership has even gone so far as to publicly question whether self-confessed corrupt judges should be considered corrupt at all unless formally convicted, setting an impossibly high bar for accountability in a system where convictions have become all but impossible.
Broader Implications for the Rule of Law
The slow pace of these high-profile cases raises broader concerns about the rule of law and anti-corruption efforts in Slovakia. Several judges implicated in the scandal continue to receive partial salaries despite being suspended, while others have returned to their judicial roles. The Judicial Council’s refusal to authorise prosecutions in key cases has further weakened accountability, with its leadership arguing that corruption cannot be proven without final convictions—even when judges have admitted to misconduct.
The dissolution of key investigative bodies has also severely hindered progress. The shutdown of the National Criminal Agency (NAKA) and the Special Prosecutor’s Office—both instrumental in prosecuting high-level corruption—has left remaining cases in limbo. Legal experts and former officials warn that these moves have contributed to the collapse of momentum for judicial reform, as delays and procedural obstacles mount.
Meanwhile, the government of Robert Fico has been accused of deliberately obstructing corruption investigations. Former Minister of Justice Mária Kolíková has criticised the administration’s actions, stating that authorities have done “everything possible to ensure these cases drag on indefinitely”. Critics argue that the government’s judicial policies serve to weaken institutional checks on corruption rather than strengthen them.
The failure of the judiciary to deliver justice in the Búrka and Víchrica cases has emboldened its defenders. Judicial Council officials have downplayed the severity of corruption allegations, while some judges have openly questioned the credibility of cooperating witnesses. At the same time, anti-reform voices within the judiciary have gained strength, arguing that political and media pressure—not corruption—was the real issue in these cases.
Five years after the scandal broke, the initial public outcry has faded. What was once seen as a historic effort to clean up Slovakia’s judiciary has instead exposed the system’s deep resistance to reform. Investigations remain stalled, key figures evade prosecution, and those who once called for accountability are now increasingly isolated. Instead of justice, the Búrka and Víchrica cases have delivered a message: in Slovakia’s courts, those in power can wait out the storm.
Author: Veronika Prušová | Source: Denník N
